The Westminster Hour: Sunday 10pm

Appearing on Radio 4's The Westminster Hour with Carolyn QuinnI’m back on The Westminster Hour this Sunday: Radio 4, 10pm.

If you miss the show you’ll be able to listen again on their website.

If you want to get advanced notice of my media appearances like this one, you can use the media events service at Flock Together. You’ve got three choices:

  1. Using this feed: http://feeds.feedburner.com/LiberalDemocratsMediaAppearances, or
  2. By email: register at FlockTogether and pick “Media appearances” as one of the categories of events you want to be emailed about. (If you are an existing Flock Together user you can also change your preferences – login and then click “Edit your preferences” in the left-hand menu; you need to tick “Media Appearances” under “Email options”), or
  3. On the web: take a look at the dedicated Flock Together page.

Single Equalities Bill: changing the legal framework on discrimination

Continuing my mini-series on the forthcoming Single Equalities Bill and what the final Act should contain, I do not think the courts that deal with discrimination have enough powers to really put an end, or even significantly dent, discrimination.

Since claims are brought by an individual, the courts can only look at what wrong that individual has actually suffered and seek to compensate them for this through damages.

Whilst the court discrimination awards are unlimited and can include ‘hurt to feeling’, in certain cases this quite simply isn’t enough and amounts to no more than a small financial slap on the wrist. I am thinking about real systematic discrimination that is low level and done on a large scale – say for example – a chain of hotels that will only let gay couples have rooms on the top floor for example.

The narrow, direct damage suffered by the individuals is relatively small. The ‘hurt to feelings’ award might bump it up a bit, but the hotel could make a calculated decision that it could afford it.

What if in a case like this the court could award punitive damages? When making an award for damages, it could look beyond the individual in front of it and consider how many people might be affected and whether the defendant has done anything to change its ways.

And say if on the third or fourth case against this chain, the court decided a stronger message needed to be made.

Case law is developing in this directly with the advent of exemplary damages, but this is only in a limited set of circumstances (when the defendant is an agent of government or when the defendant has made a calculated risk that it is more profitable to discriminate – which is not the case is the example I gave as some might discriminate even if it is unprofitable).

I’m increasingly of the view that we should accelerate the pace of change, and that therefore this aspect of the current law needs to be looked at. The Single Equalities Bill will certainly provide an opportunity to move matters along in this regard.

Liberal Democrats criticise Haringey Council's highway robbery

Haringey Labour councillor Alan Stanton has broken ranks and branded his administration as getting away with “highway robbery” on the BBC, joining Liberal Democrats in criticising Haringey Council’s traffic enforcement.

Haringey Council collected hundreds of thousands of pounds from enforcing traffic and parking restrictions in Tottenham, Muswell Hill and Crouch End even though doubts emerged over their legality.

Local Liberal Democrats have now demanded that residents and visitors caught out and ticketed by illegal signage and unclear box junctions must be refunded.

Councillor Martin Newton (Lib Dem, Fortis Green ward), who over the last ten months has raised the issue with Haringey Council and the Department for Transport, has demanded immediate action from Haringey Council’s parking boss and has agreed with Cllr Stanton’s remarks.

Cllr Martin Newton, Liberal Democrat Traffic and Transport Spokesperson, comments:

“This is just the latest incident in a series of blunders by Haringey Council on parking enforcement. Liberal Democrats have gone directly to the Department for Transport over this issue and now even Labour councillors agree that their own administration has got it wrong.

“If the lines and signs are wrong no offence has been committed so there should be no penalty to pay.

“This situation has got so bad that Labour are criticising themselves. It’s time for the council to apologise to residents and visitors caught out and ticketed and for Haringey Council to accept responsibility. Haringey Council has a bag full of swag they have collected that they should use to refund motorists.”

Lynne Featherstone MP adds:

“In any other industry this would be called theft. Haringey Council has to act now to restore confidence in its traffic control and refund the hundreds of local residents who have been unlawfully fined.”

What should the Single Equalities Bill do?

The long-awaited Single Equalities Bill will shortly be eating up much of my time in Parliament as it wends its way through the legislative process and it falls slap bang in the middle of my job in the Liberal Democrat Shadow Cabinet on youth and equalities.

The Bill represents real opportunity. I think I’m right in saying that when is comes to equality legislation there have been nine separate Acts, four European Directives and countless other regulations spanning four decades.

To say discrimination legislation is a bit bitty and fragment is an understatement. Therefore a new Bill will be a simplifying and tidying up undertaking. However, for me the Bill must be more than mere gardening exercise, it must tackle some of the inequalities between these various laws that lead to unequal treatment.

There are numerous anomalies that have been a product of this piecemeal, almost organic evolution of legislation. From the Government’s statements and what I have heard in the House of Commons, I would expect most, if not all, of these oddities to be corrected.

Moving beyond that, the Bill offers the chance to achieve a three-fold success: firstly – to make discrimination more difficult; secondly – to make discrimination legislation more effective; thirdly – to insist that any exceptions to this Act are on the face of the legislation.

If these three things are not in the Bill – then we will be tabling amendments to these effects.

Of course we wait with baited breadth to see which side the Government comes down on some important points. The discrepancy in the definition of a comparator between Equal Pay Act and other Acts certainly needs sorting. The Liberal Democrats would hope to see the abolition of the need for a real comparator. We believe this would do more to accelerate equality by making it easier for an individual to bring equal pay claims.

I also believe we should apply imaginative – and even edgy – thinking across all three areas. The Government goes through criminal justice bills like it does hot dinners. Sadly, inequality does not get the same attention – so we should be willing to be imaginative in making the most of the options the Bill will present. I’ve blogged already about employment ideas – and will blog about more shortly!

Should you know the names of job applicants?

A little while back I spoke to the Equality and Diversity Forum, and one of the ideas I floated was a change in employment recruitment practices. I thought I’d reproduce that part of my speech as it contained a few ideas I floated and which I’m particularly interested in hearing more feedback on.

So here’s the gist of what I said.

I have been struck by the experiences of two interns I’ve had in my office since becoming an MP. Both were fantastic working for me – but both had the same experience searching for work. Until they worked for me – time and time again, they sent in job applications – literally hundreds – and got nowhere, despite having appropriate qualifications and experience. But work for me as an intern – get Member of Parliament into your CV – and suddenly, doors opened and they both got the sorts of excellent jobs they deserved.

Now – somehow I don’t think than transformation was due to power of my name – I’m not that famous! But rather both have obviously non-Anglo Saxon names, and I believe what happened was that having a Member of Parliament on your CV got them beyond that initial, often instinctive and even unknowing discrimination that sees people when sorting through piles of CVs, put a large number to one side without really very much thought about each.

And really this highlights the issue that – unless you have carefully controlled employment processes – it is very easy for biases and discrimination to creep in. One of the most striking examples of this has been in orchestras, when for decades men “knew” that women couldn’t play man instruments as well as them – until blind auditions started being used. Those auditions were often introduced to block other forms of bias – so as favouritism by those running orchestras – but the result was a tackling of a much wider range of problems.

So – the conclusion I draw from all this? It’s that we should look seriously about making name-blind employment processes the norm rather than the exception. Surnames shouldn’t put you out of the employment race before you’ve even got out of the starting blocks.

Once an applicant gets to interview – the rest is down to how the interview goes. We won’t be able to take discrimination or prejudice completely out of the equation if you are being interviewed by a bigot – but your chances with most employers will be far better – being seen as a whole human who is or is not the right person for the job.

As for the mechanism – the forthcoming Single Equalities Bill provides the opportunity. I am generally sceptical about those whose first instinct is to legislate – and I think there is a strong case for putting in place voluntary agreements and best practice first, particularly concentrating on larger employers. But legislation can be used to give the powers that be the necessary targets to aim for and impetus to act, changing assumptions and habits so that name-blind employment practices become the norm.

And who knows what orchestra-like spin off benefits there may be – though I am sure there’ll be more than one or two people who, thinking of the fusses over MPs employing relatives – will think that Parliament itself may benefit from leading the way on this!

This employment issue is, of course, but one part of a much wider equality agenda. I mention it first though because I think it is particularly important for three reasons.

First – because if we are to win the battle for wider and more effective equality issues, we need to win over those who do not place a high priority on it, or who think there aren’t major issues here. Challenging discrimination in employment – so that the best person gets the jobs – is the sort of aim everyone can support.

Second – it brings benefits to all sides of the equation – both those who stop being discriminated against but also those who end up with the better staff for the job. And that win-win helps us move away from the culde-sac of division that arguing for one group’s rights at the perceived expense of others so often causes. We need to build a broad consensus for sustained long term success – not indulge in one group beating another over the head.

And third – because so much power comes from the economic pocket book – and breaking down discrimination in employment practices will help spread that economic power more widely amongst all our communities.

Is something happening amongst political bloggers?

Interesting piece from Sunny over on Pickled Politics today:

Are bloggers on the political left of the spectrum really that crap compared to those on the right? I don’t believe so, but I’ll come back to this question another time. I do want to point out how and what can be achieved if we put our minds to it.

The full piece is well worth a read. I don’t agree with all the points Sunny makes (personally I think the liberal versus authoritarian political divide is hugely important and is a better way of looking at many issues than trying to shoehorn people into left or right), though his piece does neatly follow on from some of the issues I’ve written about before:

Liberal Democrat bloggers tend to be either fairly inward or local looking. There are many blogs that really talk all about what is happening in the party, along with a smaller number of – often excellent – blogs which are clearly aimed at a particular local audience (e.g. a councillor’s blog such as Mary Reid’s, which seems to be largely aimed at her constituents – understandably enough!).

What we seem to be missing are those combative, outward looking souls who spot a story and want to help spread or extend the message or the point or the attack, as opposed to inwardly looking expressing their own views on it. So you tend to get stories not spreading, and where they are commented on, they are only commented on by those who have reservations to express. (Full piece)

There’s a challenge there for other bloggers to rise to!

Crouch End Area Assembly: change at the top

Local Liberal Democrat councillor Laura Edge handed over the reins of the Crouch End Area Assembly to fellow Liberal Democrat colleague Cllr Lyn Weber last Wednesday night (21st May 2008). Cllr Weber will now chair the meetings of the Area Assembly, which covers Stroud Green, Crouch End and Hornsey, and has used her first meeting to tackle many topics and renew calls for local residents to suggest items to discuss.

Cllr Lyn Weber, new Crouch End Area Assembly Chair, comments:

“Laura has done a great job in ensuring that the Area Assembly is about residents talking and Haringey Council listening. I want to thank Laura for all her hard work and I am looking forward to a year building on her success.”

Cllr Laura Edge (Stroud Green) adds:

“I have had a wonderful time meeting local residents and taking their ideas to Haringey Council. The Area Assembly is a key part in making sure that Haringey Council is responsive to the needs of the local area. Lyn will be great.”

What are the lessons for the Liberal Democrats from May's elections?

That’s the question I pose in a piece I’ve got on Liberal Democrat Voice today:

To start, three pieces of promising news: in six of the last seven annual rounds of local elections, the number of Liberal Democrat councillors has gone up. Secondly, the change in our vote in Crewe & Nantwich was pretty much the same as in Dudley West, South East Staffordshire and Wirral South – the three big Labour gains from the Conservatives in the run-up to 1997 – a general election at which we then made huge gains in the numbers of MPs we had.

Add in to that the steady but very clear improvement in our poll ratings since Nick Clegg became leader, and there’s plenty of cause for quiet optimism about our electoral prospects – provded we put in the hard work necessary.

But we shouldn’t be complacent that just any sort of hard work will deliver the right results, and there are two signs in that news that we need, in particular, to broaden our strength across the country…

You can read the full piece here.

Lessons from May's elections

To start, three pieces of promising news: in six of the last seven annual rounds of local elections, the number of Liberal Democrat councillors has gone up. Secondly, the change in our vote in Crewe & Nantwich was pretty much the same as in Dudley West, South East Staffordshire and Wirral South – the three big Labour gains from the Conservatives in the run-up to 1997 – a general election at which we then made huge gains in the numbers of MPs we had.

Add in to that the steady but very clear improvement in our poll ratings since Nick Clegg became leader, and there’s plenty of cause for quiet optimism about our electoral prospects – provded we put in the hard work necessary.

But we shouldn’t be complacent that just any sort of hard work will deliver the right results, and there are two signs in that news that we need, in particular, to broaden our strength across the country. Whilst we have been gaining seats at local elections, our overall share of the vote has tailed off in recent years. And in addition the Crewe & Nantwich result reminds us of how much harder work it is to win when we start in third rather than second. More strength across the country will not just deliver us more councillors and councils, it will also up the odds of a Parliamentary by-election being a real chance for a breakthrough for the party.

We also have the prize of overtaking Labour as the second party of local government hanging tantalising in front of us – Labour has only 600 more councillors and on The Guardian’s figures after this May they have only three more councils than us.

The challenge, therefore, is to do at the council level what we have done so successfully at the Westminster election level. Over the last few elections, and carrying on since 2005, we have managed to combine both a very clear and strong targeting strategy (having to persuade along the way many who are tempted to spread efforts thinly to little effect!) whilst also growing the list of seats where we are in serious contention at the same time.

Yes, we put a far higher proportion of our resources into the key Parliamentary seats than we used to – but also, the number of such seats has grown. It’s this mix of focusing efforts on the key battleground constituencies whilst also increasing the size of the battleground that has allowed us to continue to grow in the number of MPs and win places where we were nowhere ten years ago – such as my own Hornsey & Wood Green where in 1997 we were on 11%, with no councillors, not even any second places in any wards and no delivery network.

I have personally been particularly struck by the increasing numbers of fellow MPs and would-be MPs I meet at the party’s training weekend for key seats – each time we seem to have had a bigger and better team.

But how do we replicate that on a local level – so that we continue to build on the hugely powerful impact of careful targeting and focusing of resources on those areas where they can make a difference, but at the same time make a much larger number of seats and councils competitive so that we are expanding our base across the whole country?

Too often those are seen as conflicting aims. But whilst it is certainly true there is some tension between them, I believe we have been at our most successful where we have found ways to achieve both at the same time.

Those with an interest in American politics may notice the parallels with the “map changers” strategy of John Edwards and the “50 states” strategy of Howard Dean – both wanting to concentrate on the really winnable races whilst also growing the breadth of the party so that it doesn’t end up just hunkered down in a small number of redoubts.

As if that isn’t a hard enough circle to square – we also need a strategy that can actually be turned into specific concrete steps. Too often in the past plans to build up weaker areas, reduce the number of black holes and so on have turned out to generate lots of fine words but very little actual action.

This is an issue we need to address with some urgency because 2009 will, almost certainly, see local and European elections on the same day. And in those areas what message will it send to voters in the polling station when they see the Liberal Democrats on one ballot paper but not the other? That could rather undermine our otherwise very strong message about how we can win right across the country under the European voting system and how we are in a period of genuine three-party politics.

Indeed, I’ve been told that the most strident feedback the party has received via its website after both this year’s and last year’s local election has been from people angry that they went to vote – and didn’t find any Liberal Democrat candidate on their council ballot paper.

So – what should we do? I think we should set ourselves the following challenges.

First, to stand a record number of candidates in the 2009 elections. In 2005 we had candidates for 89% of the seats – around 260 short of a full set. That is a number that should be possible to crack next time – break it down per regional party, per MEP or Euro candidate, per MP, per whomever wants to help – we can make that a manageable individual target.

Second, to run an earmarked fundraising operation to allow people to “adopt” a ward where there has been no Liberal Democrat candidate for the last eight years and donate towards running a campaign there for the first time – and gather in the pledges in advance so local parties can see what is on offer to encourage them to stand a candidate! I suspect that in some cases there is a lack of ambition when it comes to standing candidates from local party committees, so here would be a really powerful way of helping to raise people’s ambitions.

Third, I loved the “Community Canvass Week” initiative the party ran for the first time last autumn to encourage people to get out on the doorsteps talking to the public. So let’s run it again – but with a big publicity and training drive in advance so that we get more people trying door-knocking for the first time – and so that we provide people who are in areas of very weak Liberal Democrat organisation “self-starter kits” so they can get going even if there isn’t a working local party organisation to run things. More people knocking on more doors in more areas – that is crucial to expanding the number of wards in which we are competitive, and will also do our European election prospects no harm at all.

Fourth, we need to lower the barriers for someone to move between thinking they want to do something to improve their area and finding that there is only a very weak party organisation and having read and followed everything in Chris Rennard’s How to win local elections book and ending up a local councillor. So my fourth suggestion is that the party should produce a more general self-starter kit, one that takes you through an easy to follow series of steps that help build up the party’s presence and strength – but short of running to win a council seats, because that isn’t for everyone – and if that’s the only option on offer, it will also put off those who might be willing to end up being councillors, but only after a more gentle introduction. Recruiting a couple more donors for the party, writing regularly to the local newspaper, using your own website to promote the party’s online campaigns – there’s a myriad of steps you can take, so let’s make it easy for people to take them.

And fifthly, we should ensure that we have at least a modest local internet presence covering every part of the country, helping point the public at more news about the party, how to join, how to get in touch with the local team etc. With the number of existing sources of news and information about the Liberal Democrats, I am sure it can’t be beyond the wit of a clever programmer or two to be able to put together an effective mini-site system that covers our internet black holes at a minimum of cost and effort.

There are I am sure many other ideas, but I’ve deli
berately picked up a relatively small number that, when broken down, would require any individual to do relatively little – at low cost of both time and money. Collectively though – it could make a huge difference to our ongoing battle to establish ourselves firmly as a major political party in all parts of the country – and to persuade people that British politics really is a three (and in Scotland and Wales, four) party system.

And how do we make it happen? Well – I’m sending a copy of this over to Ed Davey, chair of the party’s Campaigns and Communications Committee – because this seems to me to all be about campaigning and communicating better.

But – particularly in our party above all – it’s not about waiting for someone from on-high to impose a decision. Instead – it’s about what you do in your area. I wouldn’t be MP for Hornsey & Wood Green if I’d waited around for someone from on-high to decide I should be. I’m an MP because I and my colleagues locally made it happen: we got the ball rolling and in due course got help from outside. But the key was us wanting it to happen and taking our fate into our own hands.

So if you agree with any of what I’ve written above – take fate into your own hands too. Oh, and don’t forget first to go help in Henley!

This article first appeared on Liberal Democrat Voice, where you can also read the subsequent discussion.

(c) Lynne Featherstone, 2008

Celebrating ten years of victories

Saturday saw a party to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the very first Liberal Democrats being elected in Haringey – and both June and Julia (who with me became the first ever Liberal Democrat Group on Haringey Council) were there with many old and new faces to celebrate. Really great to see everyone again – even Ross Laird who came in when June had to move and then took over as Leader from me came down from Edinburgh. Really great occasion – much achieved and still the Council to be taken next time!

June Andersen, Lynne Featherstone and Julia Glenn: the original trio of Liberal Democrat councillors from Muswell Hill in 1998